Revisiting the Mexican American Studies court victory

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On August 22, 2017, Federal Judge Wallace Tashima ruled that the Arizona law banning Mexican American Studies was unconstitutional. Although delivered on a single day, this decision marked a watershed moment in a battle for ethnic studies that had been raging since the 2010 laws were enacted in reaction to the Mexican American Studies program in the Tucson Unified School District. The struggle to reinstate this program has been championed by students who enrolled in the courses, teachers who designed and taught the curriculum, and community members. It’s been some months, and the central figures in the legal battles gathered recently to reflect on the struggle, the victories it wrought, as well as some of the damage sustained through struggle.

 

Below is an abridged version of that conversation with teachers Curtis Acosta and Rene Martinez, program director Sean Arce, and lead attorney Richard Martinez.

 

What is the significance of the court’s ruling?

Sean Arce:     I think it’s really further legitimized ethnic studies, Chicano studies. And then with Richard Martinez, his communication to California Latino School Board Association last night that this ethnic studies and Chicano studies can move forward. There are actions moving forward, they’re setting a policy and creating departments like these that are protected by the first and fourteenth amendment.

Richard Martinez:     There are a number of legal significance issues. One is we took away the impediments to Mexican-American studies and cleared the path for ethnic studies to grow across the country. And these court decisions will be an important precedent in stopping the inevitable movement to end ethnic studies, which will surface in other places but under the same kind of arguments. And I think that the other that happens as the resurgence occurs, they will continue to use code words. Judge Tashima’s ruling on the way that we used code words as evidence of racial bias. The judge saying I came to that conclusion on my own and then goes on to no end, that was further affirmed by all the work of Dr. Pitti. So I think that there’s significant importance in the use of code words, because we all know that means that’s a bias statement, a racially charged bias statement that the courts have been looking to embrace and here you have a decision that embraces it.

And then the third thing that I think that’s critical is that absent a legitimate pedagogical reason then it clearly implies the racial bias, both in the context of denying equal protection and in the context of the first amendment, the right to receive. So, it’s critical the school boards adopt these curriculums, they understand what they’re adopting, why they’re adopting it and then grow it. Mexican American Studies in TUSD you had 10 to 12 years to grow it.

One thing the court cases do, both the ninth circuit and Judge Tashima’s ultimate decision, is that it reverses that whole stream of losses that we had regarding bilingual education. And those decisions that looked at those propositions or those initiatives and said no that’s not the product of racial bias. That those were somehow political decisions outside of the racial context, I think everybody knew that wasn’t true.

 

 

What did you learn in the process of fighting this in the legal system, in the media, and in communities?

Curtis Acosta:     I think Richard hit on a real important point about needing to be diligent, needing to be exhaustive in what these actors, these racist actors are doing. And our collective was definitely on top of it, from you and the legal arm all the way to us in the classroom and making sure we knew what they were saying about us. And to be honest that’s not a fun part of the job, is to look at what they’re saying about you in the media, social media, and how they’re building their case, they’re narrative. You talked about the importance of us getting the narrative back last night during our talk. But that’s all part of it, understanding what the narrative is against you as well as the narrative that you know is in your heart and what you’re trying to do.

 

What does this mean for academic freedom?

Richard Martinez:    Not only being inclusive, but always being open ended, and evolving, and contemporary. So I think that even though there was attached a negative view about how you used to occupy America, or if you wrote a poem, if you used hip-hop, whatever. It came back to if you contextualize the state has no ability to take away the efficacy, the educational efficacy of what you are doing. Legally, that’s how you defend that because they have to be able to then deconstruct you, your program, your curriculum, your curriculum units. And in the absence of that, whether it was Kathy Hrabluk (Associate Superintendent at the Arizona Department of Education) or anyone else, they don’t have your expertise, they don’t know how to deconstruct Mexican-American studies or ethnic studies. They don’t even know what it is, all they know is they don’t like it.

 

 

What are the implications of this decision for what teachers can do? What should they be careful of?

Richard Martinez:    I think that many teachers agree with it, but in terms of making it a mandate on the school district it’s at the local level. They must develop a curriculum in this manner. Where I disagree or think the mistake is to assume one class anyway comes close to what was occurring in Mexican-American Studies. Much more comprehensive.

Sean Arce:        That’s not systemic. You’ve got classes here and there it’s not systemic.

Richard Martinez:     The other thing is I think it’s a mistake to make the classes compulsory. I think they should be voluntary, those who want to take them fine, those who don’t. Because to the extent you make them compulsory and thus those individuals are students and those parents and those families that don’t want their child, their student in that class, they become your enemy. And that’s I think a problem. You’re building in an enemy that’s going to attack that school board, that superintendent, that site administrator, that teacher.

Curtis Acosta:      Yeah there’s antagonism already built in.

Sean Arce:     But yeah, we have to be cautious. We have to be, what’s the word that I used Friday? We have to be strategic on how we do this shit. Alright, we’re going to make it mandatory, where are the teachers at? Where’s the teacher training?

Rene Martinez:     And then what do you do when the pushback happens? Do you change the curriculum or do you just like, you know?

Rene Martinez:     But I think we’re only beginning to feel what the implications are.

Curtis Acosta:      Yeah, I feel like, I felt this sense of end in the micro. Cause if we can’t escape the macro of where we’re at as a nation. What we did in the classroom is what we do everyday now. And we just do it in different ways. So it’s not like anything ended in that sense but this particular story has a beginning, a beautiful beginning. Has a beautiful growth period of us all growing together as maestros, and maestras, as friends, as compañeros. I mean we went from strangers to beyond any relationships that many people will ever understand because we were, for lack of a better word, we were in the fox hole together for a long, long time. And you just don’t give up on each other. And when you don’t give up on each other you create a different kind of bond, but it’s forever.

Sean Arce:     That’s why we do it, and we do it for our own personal children. On personal level, but the meaning behind it is for our entire community cause we know the history of our community. We know that anti-Mexican, anti-Raza, anti-Black, anti-different color in this country is real, man, and we engage in that. We stood up to that. And the reason why we did that is for our own children, but for all the children in our community.

 

Our people is our power: Cait Vaughan

 

 

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  1. Who are you, where do you work, and why do you do what you do as an organizer for education activism?

I live and organize in Maine, where my fatherwas born & raised, though I grew up primarily in New Hampshire. I’m a white, cis, queer woman from a working poor family, survivor of childhood sexual & domestic violence, and the ‘one who got away’ and earned a degree. Importantly, I organize and engage in political education because of what Black mentors here in the Deep North taught me when I escaped to university. Particularly, I am referring to Black women cultural workers of NH, JerriAnne Boggis and Valerie Cunningham, who have worked tirelessly to tell the story of Black New England, to write themselves and their people into the public narrative, and wrest their stories away from white authorship, aggressive cultural amnesia, and distortion of public memory. The histories they amplified upended every story I’d ever been told about my own place in the world, what it means to ‘belong’ and who decides. They also hipped me to the inherently radical act of oppressed peoples declaring, We are here and we speak for ourselves. Their work blends public history and preservation efforts with education and activism that has literally changed the landscape of one of the whitest states in this country. They are shifting us towards a collective, multiracial reckoning with who New Englanders really were, are, and want to be. This type of education is public humanities, and it is also political as all get-out. JerriAnne and Valerie have shown me (and so many others) a blueprint of how to lead a life dedicated to liberation by doing the work where you live, and beginning by telling (often painful) truths in very public ways. Everything I do in the world is in some way fueled by the investment they made in their own dreams, and in my development directly; it is an honor to be in their debt.

With roots in the humanities, my daily organizing work focuses primarily on health care justice. I am a staff organizer for an indie abortion care provider that is constantly innovating to expand real access to poor people statewide. I work to connect ordinary folks (including young people) to opportunities to: support the clinics staying open; protect and advance their rights and access; engage in education initiatives about sex, sexual health, abortion & the reproductive justice movement; as well as learn from/with our communities about how we can be more a more relevant, accessible, and radical resource in this largely rural state. In my non-paid organizing life, I am also a member-leader of Maine’s Health Care is a Human Right campaign with the Southern Maine Workers’ Center. I am honored to serve with Survivor Speak USA, a survivor-led organization working to end sexual exploitation and sex trafficking in our state by addressing root causes of systemic racism and poverty. For the past 9 years, I’ve been lucky enough to do support work for JerriAnne Boggis in organizing the Annual Black New England Conference. The BNEC is a gathering for academics, artists, cultural workers, public intellectuals, organizers, educators, and students to learn about and honor the rich history and present of Black life in New England. I engage in other types of activism and organizing labor as local situations demand. At the moment, I’m working with statewide Showing Up for Racial Justice (SURJ) chapters to organize several canvasses in neighborhoods targeted by the KKK with recruitment propaganda. We have been called to support folks in these neighborhoods in organizing and community defense efforts to oust the Klan and move in solidarity with People of Color in Maine.  There is no shortage of work to be done here. There is a need for us all to be flexible, hold multi-faceted roles, and labor through ‘politically impure’ structures to keep the work going and growing.

  1. What five books have been essential to your formation as an education activist?

I’m going to cheat and specifically also name some essays and poems that profoundly shaped my thinking and action, and to which I relate as companions for life, returning to them over and over.

  • Poetry Is Not A Luxury // Poetry Makes Something Happen, Audre Lorde (different iterations exist across multiple publications with slightly different titles, including I Am Your Sister: Collected & Unpublished Writings of Audre Lorde, 2009)
  • Power, Audre Lorde (poem published in The Black Unicorn, 1978)
  • The Difficult Miracle of Black Poetry in America; Something Like A Sonnet for Phillis Wheatley, June Jordan (poem essay published in On Call: Political Essays, 1985)
  • Playing in the Dark: Whiteness & the Literary Imagination, Toni Morrison (Vintage Books, 1992)
  • The Erotic Life of Racism, Sharon P. Holland (Duke University Press, 2012)
  1. What are three things you love about what you do?
  2. What keeps you up at night or worries you (we hope everyone gets healthy sleep, of course)?

Learning for liberation is often painful. White people ought not to set the bar at what “feels good” but instead ask ourselves: Did we come here to genuinely move & be moved? Did this process show us something about how we got here, and how to go forward differently? I don’t think rounded edges do much in service of liberation; I’d love less certainty and more seeking. I worry that (my) white people are simultaneously too fragile and too destructive to do the work consistently and effectively, despite an embarrassment of riches when it comes to POC leadership. I am not hopeful, but I am resolute.

  1. What misconception about education would you like to correct?

While my parents and family were not schooled, they were very learned in the ways of supremacy. The workings of domination are pervasive, oppression is SMART, and we learn it via daily living. I knew very young that I wanted another way to be, and yet for the longest time, I had no models for finding or creating this within the world I knew. This is why the educational uses of lived experience must not be confined to the merely performative or illustrative (story telling) or as raw material for creating “real knowledge.” We can examine the rituals, rhythms and practices of our daily lives and explore how we came to know what we think is true, or to question it. How the mundane structures and institutions of our days instruct us to feel and move, and how we push against it or comply. We learn from what happens when we ‘break a rule’ no one explicitly outlined; and we cannot be the same after. I want us to honor the kitchen table talk of family life and survival as one of the deepest sources of education any of us receives. This is not anti-intellectual; it is asking for a recognition of all the thinking and seeing (or refusals to see) that we accomplish each day. It acknowledging that the structures we (re)create, inhabit, come into conflict with on a daily basis cumulatively result in a frightfully formal education. We are forever receiving instruction in the machinations and pathways of power—whether or not we learn is a question of collective, principled reckoning and relentless imagination.

Lastly, I want us to assume that poetry *is* a natural language, medium, and site of learning for poor and dispossessed people. I struggle sometimes to reconcile that I believe so deeply in learning through lived experience AND it is reading/poetry that led me to frame that experience in relation to things bigger than myself. If someone had not put a volume of poetry in my hands that included Audre Lorde’s “Who Said It Was Simple” when I was 16, how long might it have taken me to understand the violence of white feminism? Poor kids can read, write, and learn from poems—and we can come to see our own lives as poems we author, even/especially against great odds. We need the poetry of young people’s every day resistance. And I believe young people need to know that someone has been before where they are now, and wrote to them across time and space to say: You continue a beautiful struggle; write your name with what you do to be free in spite of all attempts to stop you.

Legal victory for Ethnic Studies!

The core focus, mission, and practice of the education for liberation network is that through education, we can liberate ourselves from knowledge systems that erase and suppress for the purpose of domination.

As many know, the fight for ethnic studies has been a crucial expression of education for liberation. With its start in the 1960s on college campuses, ethnic studies is now a well-developed and integrated curricular and pedagogical endeavor in dozens of districts and states.

Predictably, though, this work to reconnect learning to the cultures of marginalized students brought backlash from the dominant culture. For the past six years, former and current students and teachers of Ethnic studies in Arizona have been battling in court systems and continuing the work of ethnic studies without the sanction of schools or district offices.

So, it is with tremendous joy that we share the wonderful news that a federal judge has preliminarily ruled that an Arizona law banning the teaching of ethnic studies violates students’ constitutional rights. The full decision and consequence for the ruling is still to be announced, but the ruling fully describes the racial animus behind and explicit in the Arizona law.

As network member Carla Shalaby wrote,

“This legal victory for ethnic studies in Tucson is a victory for all who believe young people deserve the teaching of their ancestors in our schools, the hearing and telling of their own stories, and the recognition of their particular place in our history and in our future.

It is also a reminder of the power of youth and educator activism, and I’m grateful to the teachers in Tucson who made their way to the courtroom after losing their classrooms in the unconstitutional ban of their courses.”

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Carla also shared a link for the full decision – check it out.

Here’s the NPR story on the ruling and a previous story that details the racist legislation in Arizona.

And, following Carla’s lead, we’d also like tribute artist and cultural worker  Julio Salgado for the artwork that so clearly depicts the stakes.

Battling white supremacy requires many strategies. We are thrilled to join thousands in celebration of this important victory. And then we get right back to work.

In Lak Ech

 

Celebrating the Life of Antonio Nieves Martinez

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The Education for Liberation community joins many siblings across Turtle Island in grieving the loss of our beloved Antonio Nieves Martinez. Ed4Lib family member Patrick “Cam” Camangian wrote the loving tribute below.

 

Dear People’s Community, friends, colleagues, and allies,

In case you do not already know, it saddens me to share news about the untimely death of our good brother, committed comrade, loving community member, and dear friend in Antonio Nieves Martinez last Tuesday, July 11, 2017.  The People’s Education Movement was first conceptualized at a coffee shop meeting between Antonio, Carolina Valdez, and myself in Koreatown, Los Angeles in January 2013.  Through Carolina, his wife and exceptional educator, Jerica, and Antonio’s organizing efforts with other founding members in LA, People’s was established during a summer retreat in July 2013.  During this summer retreat, I was encouraged to organize People’s Education Movement, Bay Area with other like-minded educator-organizers.

 

Here is the Facebook announcement for the bay area celebration and memorial of Antonio’s life: https://www.facebook.com/events/619000538296678/?active_tab=about.  And here is the information for a gathering in NYC on July 26th.

 

Donations can be made here: https://www.mealtrain.com/trains/wod57w/donate/.

 

Antonio has long been involved in multiple community projects and coalition of educators, activists, community members, and researchers working towards liberatory education:  He was also a former council member of the Association of Raza Educators and board member of the Education for Liberation Network (EdLib).  Antonio’s commitments with both People’s and EdLib led him to take on leadership and committee roles for the Free Minds Free People (FMFP) national conferences held in Chicago in July 2013 and Oakland in July 2015. Before moving back to the SF Bay Area, Antonio and Jerica were engaged in establishing equitable, restorative educational spaces in the Holyoke community of Western Massachusetts.

 

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As a scholar, Antonio studied the importance of teachers collectivizing to transform larger systemic issues undermining the humanity of people in culturally wealthy communities of color.  Through this work, Antonio helped further establish the importance of developing popular education programs to challenge some of the more colonial, deficit, and neoliberal narratives and practices reproduced in society.  Antonio argued why and showed how the concerns of students, families, community members, and critically conscious teachers should inform the type of education needed to transform dehumanizing social conditions. Antonio also took on leadership roles within the Critical Educators for Social Justice (CESJ), Special Interest Group for the American Educational Research Association. A colleague who worked closely with Antonio in this capacity said, “He was fiercely dedicated to social justice and supported CESJ however he could. In fact, much of the growth and more communal nature of the grad forum can be attributed to Antonio.”

 

Attached is a research article titled, “Solidarity with the People,” which he co-wrote with Carolina Valdez and another People’s founding member, Stephanie Cariaga.  Solidarity EEE

 

Thank you for your positive thoughts and prayers for Jerica, their wonderful daughter Huitzin, and Antonio’s family at this time of unimaginable loss.

In sincere community solidarity,

Patrick “Cam” Camangian

Thank you for making FMFP 2017 a success!

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The Free Minds, Free People Conference is a project of love built by volunteers from across the country who donate their time, resources, ideas and labor in order to co-create the type of space where we can learn, listen, heal, be seen and heard in ways that are vital for transformation from oppression to liberation.  It is a project that started with a handful of powerful leaders, thinkers and organizers over ten years ago and has grown from that small group to a planning team of over 50 people and a conference of 75 participants to over 800 participants.  

 

The board of the Education for Liberation Network would like to thank the planning team for their significant, steady work in making #FMFP2017 a success.  Thank you to our local hosts in Baltimore.  The Baltimore Algebra Project suffered a great loss in the passing of Victorious Swift, and yet they continued to organize for us, their guests, from across the country while loving each other with strength and consistency.  They showed us the depths, the power and the beauty of the people in Baltimore and we are so grateful for the young leaders there.  To all of the presenters and speakers-thank you for sharing yourselves and your essential work with us.  The skills, tools and knowledge that you bring from your organizations and regions give the conference life and we couldn’t be more honored to learn from and with you.

 

To our director, Thomas Nikundiwe, and Carla Shalaby, for their tireless work and their love.  They put every ounce of themselves into this conference and we could not have done it without them.  

 

We hope that you all enjoyed your time at #FMFP2017 and we hope that you will stay connected, share what you learned and come back again with others!  

 

Below are a few comments from folks who attended when we asked about the greatest strengths of the conference. We couldn’t agree more.

 

One of the greatest strengths is the opportunities that young people have to lead–as facilitators and participants in workshops. And I love that children are so welcome–and that there are offerings for the very little ones. The overall structure is so much better than any other conference I’ve attended, too. The plenaries were excellent–and then you have two workshop sessions to attend. I like that the workshop sessions were longer so you could actually learn about others’ work in a substantive way.

 

The balance between critical dialogue and social events is a recipe for building authentic and long-lasting relationships/community. Youth-led spaces keep the energies and vibes positive and grounded in our purpose.

 

Centering liberation, love, healing, hope as responses to our oppression and oppressive spaces.

 

I appreciate the mix of educators and students. I appreciate the breadth and variety of education justice issues addressed. I appreciate the centering of people from marginalized communities. I appreciated the effort to highlight the host community.

 

The beautiful gathering of like-minded people of color committed to this justice work.

 

The voices of youth activists. The variety of advocates. The calls to action and liberation. The talk by TL and Dustin as well as the talk by Dr. Ginwright were powerful and eye opening. More provocative and important work like that.

 

Facilitators created spaces where participants felt safe and valued (in many different ways). The location was accessible and affordable (at least for east coast travelers – and thinking about housing and transportation costs once in Baltimore) STUDENT LEADERSHIP!! This was so well done. I was excited to see so many young people participating as attendees, facilitators, leaders, etc. Child care provided. Events that helped participants connect with peoples/places/etc in Baltimore.

 

Youth facilitators were instrumental to my learning during the conference. One of my takeaways is how can I prepare and support my students to present at formal conferences. I believe this is an important step in honoring student voice in an authentic way.

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Reflecting on FMFP and Family Engagement for Radicals

As a conference, FMFP is special for its unique intergenerational participation. From the conference planning and leadership to whose voices are lifted up by conference activities, young people and adults work together in exploring and executing liberatory education with our minds set on freedom. However, from the perspective of someone who works in the field of school-oriented family engagement and parent organizing, FMFP has struggled over the years to more fully integrate these parts of the collective struggle for educational, social, and economic justice. I have been intimately connected to FMFP since being part of the host committee from Providence in 2011, so this is a critique I make not from the outside, but as someone who owns responsibility for the continued development of FMFP over the years.
Thus, I was excited to attend Teaching for Change’s FMFP workshop session, “Family Engagement for Radicals.” First, how liberating to be at a conference where this session title could unapologetically proclaim its radical stance. At FMFP there is no need to disguise open and honest discussions about the realities lived by people and communities of color, women, queer folk, and anyone else who experiences the day-to-day grind against the institutional, interpersonal, and internal oppressions of the world. In other venues, this workshop title would likely be sanitized–“Family Engagement for Radicals: Partnering with Families Using a Social Justice Lens and Popular Ed Approach” would be washed out and instead be called something like, “Family Engagement for Practitioners: Partnering with Families Using a Community-Centered Approach.” Thank goodness for FMFP’s commitment to creating and protecting space for us to be our full selves as presenters and attendees.
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The workshop itself was wonderful! The presenters from Teaching for Change (Allyson, Maybelline, and Andrea) were engaging and energetic. Through a healthy mix of interactive activities (whole and small group), presentation, and discussion our room full of 20+ participants got to dive deep into thinking about how to better support family engagement at our school and program sites. Aside from having the opportunity to meet and talk to other FMFP conference goers, which is always a treat, I had one perspective-shifting takeaway from the session that seems utterly important for informing my work in the field of family engagement and parent organizing moving forward!
As advertised, Teaching for Change approaches family engagement with a social justice lens and popular education approach. They’ve borrowed from the traditions of community organizing and popular education to develop their framework for doing radical family engagement. In doing so, the Teaching for Change family engagement framework, which they call “Tellin’ Stories,” borrows heavily from the work of Paulo Freire, author of Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Many of us who attend FMFP are probably familiar with Freire and those of us who consider ourselves adherents to critical pedagogy have certainly spent a lot of time with Freire’s ideas. Having written a dissertation and book about teacher activist pedagogy, Freire is certainly an intellectual antecedent for my thinking about education. However, even though Freire was an adult educator (!), until Teaching for Change made the connection for me, I had never linked my deep work with Freire’s ideas to my extensive work in the field of family engagement and parent organizing. Somehow, I had relegated Freire (and all the other education theorists and teacher practitioners who have done work in relation and response to Freire) to my thinking about teaching and teachers and had not allowed him to enter my family engagement and parent organizing work. In retrospect, this seems a major oversight. Personally, I’ve struggled with how to more explicitly connect what often seem like two worlds of mine: engagement with teachers/teaching and engagement with youth, parent, and community organizing. While it has never made sense to me that these areas should feel distant, in practice they are much too often separate. However, after Teaching for Change’s workshop, I’m excited to explore how the use of critical pedagogy and popular education in both arenas might help me draw them closer together in my work!
To learn more about Teaching for Change and their Tellin’ Stories Project, check out their website. If you’d like to learn more about grassroots parent organizing for educational justice, check out the Journey 4 Justice Alliance! They have a biweekly newsletter that is well worth signing up for. Finally, for some more basic primers on how to rethink school-oriented family engagement practices, a go-to resource that Teaching for Change highlighted and that I’ve used extensively in my work is the book Beyond the Bake Sale by Anne Henderson, Karen Mapp, Vivian Johnson, and Don Davies. And, of course, if you haven’t yet read Pedagogy of the Oppressed, you probably should check it out from your local library.
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Keith C. Catone is associate director of community organizing and engagement at the Annenberg Institute for School Reform and serves on the Education for Liberation Advisory Board. His first book, The Pedagogy of Teacher Activism, was published earlier this year!

The fight for ethnic studies goes to court

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Ethnic studies programs were borne from college student protest and demands to have education experiences that destabilized eurocentrism and centered the knowledge systems of Indigenous, Black, and brown peoples. Ethnic studies programs have been in existence for decades, but they have never had security in the way that eurocentric education systems have enjoyed for generations. From struggles to study on college campuses to the fight to educate society’s youngest in the ways of their peoples, ethnic studies has been both at the vanguard and vulnerable.

 

Many are familiar with the specific fight for ethnic studies pedagogy and curriculum in Arizona, and more specifically, the Tucson Unified School District because of media and documentary coverage of the historic showdown between culturally relevant educators and conservative politicians.

 

On June 27, 2017, the fight for ethnic studies programs in Arizona moved into the U. S. District court system, with the plaintiffs first arguing for the right of students of all racial backgrounds to learn about history beyond Eurocentric frameworks. This coming week, the defendants will do their best to convince the judge that learning about race politicizes students of color and imperils white students.

 

The struggle to study happens in multiple, concurrent forms. From thousands of Chicago Public School teachers striking and marching to protect rights to the special education teacher who attends to her students socioemotional needs instead of proliferating the number of Black students labeled with behavioral disorders, the struggle truly is everywhere. As the fight for ethnic studies is argued by lawyers, witnesses are examined and cross-examined, and a judge bears witness to the one of the most rarified battle lines for racial justice, we hold close the educators, students, and families in Arizona who seek the basic human desire and right to education as tool for liberation. In lak’ech.

 

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